Statement of 70+ CSOs and 250+ individuals
Wednesday 17 September 2025, The violence and criminalisation targeting Delpedro Marhaen (Director of Lokataru Foundation) [1] alongside other young activists such as Khariq Anhar, Syahdan Hussein, Muzaffar Salim, Figha Lesmana, Saiful Amin and Laras Faizati, as well as dozens of young activists detained today, constitutes terror against Indonesian democracy. Several of them were not only arrested and detained, but experienced torture, abuse, and forced abduction. One victim, a young alumnus from Padjajaran University [2] in Bandung, remains in a coma. Three other young people, Bima Permana Putra, M. Farhan Hamid, and Reno Syahputrodewo remain missing.
It must be remembered that these are young people fulfilling their civic duty by participating in political space to ensure better public policy and governance. They have the right to guarantees and protection from the state. Young people’s political space should be safeguarded, not only during elections, but also in non-formal political participation spaces such as demonstrations, digital activism and sectoral issue communities to advance civic politics amidst weak political education in the formal education sector.
In the 2024 election [3], young voters (Gen Z and Millennials) comprised more than 52% of the permanent voter list, making them the most strategic element of society in the electoral political landscape. However, their participation cannot be assessed merely in terms of voting for victory in political contestation alone. Their participation should also be valued in the non-formal sector and make that sector a safe space without threats of state apparatus violence and spaces of riot stigmatisation.
On 1st September 2025, Delpedro Marhaen, Director of Lokataru Foundation, was arrested by the State Security Sub-Directorate (Kamneg) of the General Criminal Investigation Directorate (Ditreskrimum) of Metro Jaya Police [4] on charges of inciting people to oppose public authorities and commit violence. Arrests on similar charges also occurred against Syahdan Hussein (admin of the Gejayan Memanggil account) [5], Muzaffar Salim (Lokataru), Figha Lesmana (influencer), Laras Faizati (employee). Similar treatment was also experienced by Khariq Anhar, a student activist from Riau [6] on 29th August 2025 and Saiful Amin in Kediri [7] who was arrested by Kediri Police on 2nd September 2025 on charges of incitement.
This incident occurs amidst growing public concern over repressive actions by security forces who previously arrested thousands of demonstrators in various regions on charges of involvement in riots. Moreover, whilst the public demands transparency and police accountability for the deaths of at least 10 people during demonstrations, the authorities instead prioritise legal processes against those voicing opinions in public spaces and social media.
The situation is also exacerbated by narratives launched by several government actors suggesting that the resolution of this criminalisation can be achieved through restorative justice. This is a misleading narrative. Restorative justice is an approach to resolving criminal acts by bringing together perpetrators and victims through penal mediation with the aim of producing restorative solutions. This can only be done for what is clearly a criminal act with clear positions of perpetrator and victim. In this case, when the criminal charges imposed are forms of criminalisation without basis, with no clear victim of the criminal act, then restorative justice settlement cannot be carried out. Especially if the foundation for restorative justice is based on Police Regulation No. 8 of 2021 [8], which is problematic in terms of accountability, without safeguards for peace implementation, and even allows it to be conducted at the investigation stage without supervision from other institutions such as prosecutors or the judiciary.
Furthermore, instead of providing guarantees for public participation, particularly regarding young people’s and adolescents’ participation in non-formal political spaces, security forces and state officials often respond with repressive actions and criminalisation. What these young activists conveyed is their constitutional right; the chaos that occurred during waves of demonstrations resulted from security forces’ negligence in fulfilling freedom of assembly and expression. The minimal formal political space—where political parties are still dominated by old political elites and political dynasties that make young people and adolescents mere political accessories—makes it difficult for young people to have meaningful participatory spaces. Many young people feel that this politics of fear makes them reluctant to provide direct participation or engage in politics because they are often faced with state violence, which causes the thinking level of young people and adolescents to decline.
The situation befalling Delpedro and others only adds to the poor reflection of democratic quality in Indonesia today and arbitrary law enforcement by those in power. Of course, this further reduces young people’s and adolescents’ political participation, Indonesia’s shrinking democracy index, and increasingly closed civic freedom spaces. Yet Indonesia itself remains part of the UN Human Rights Council [9], which should be able to implement various international human rights legal standards in guaranteeing civil and political freedoms. According to a press release from the Advocacy Team for Democracy, there are at least 8 violations of law and human rights regarding the arrest and detention of Delpedro and others today.
The series of actions by police forces above clearly threaten civil liberties, particularly the right to assemble and express opinions in public, and violate various related legal provisions such as Law Number 9 of 1998 on Public Expression of Opinion [10], Law Number 8 of 1981 on Criminal Procedure Code (KUHAP), Law Number 39 of 1999 on Human Rights, Law Number 27 of 2022 on Personal Data Protection, and Indonesian Police Regulation Number 8 of 2009 on Implementation of Human Rights Principles and Standards in Police Duties.
Based on the above, we, the civil society coalition, request:
- The President and the Indonesian Parliament (DPR RI) immediately reform law enforcement by the police through fundamental changes to the structure, culture, and authority of the Indonesian National Police (Polri);
- The Ministry of Human Rights immediately push to ensure the cessation of legal proceedings against activists and social media campaigners and promote the formation of a Joint Fact-Finding Team (TGPF) [11] for events that occurred on 25-31 August 2025.
The Chief of Police to order all regional police offices to immediately suspend detention and cease all legal proceedings against activists and social media campaigners who have been criminalised. Also stop the misleading narrative of restorative justice resolution. Police must work seriously to investigate the causes of death of 10 people during demonstrations from 25-31 August 2025 and carry out criminal proceedings against the perpetrators; - Internal Police Supervisors, such as the Professional and Security Division Head (Kadiv Propam), Inspector General (Irwasum), Chief of Internal Affairs and Security (Karowassidik) to conduct oversight and supervision of investigator actions at the Criminal Investigation Agency (Bareskrim) and Metro Jaya Police levels. As well as enforce the law against police members suspected of committing violations during demonstrations and investigations;
- The Ministry of Communication and Digital Affairs to immediately coordinate with investigators and police regarding interpretation of the rubber articles of the Electronic Information and Transactions Law (UU ITE) [12] from a human rights perspective to stop criminalisation of expression;
- External Police Oversight State Institutions, such as the National Police Commission (Kompolnas), National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM), National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), Indonesian Ombudsman, Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI), and National Disability Commission (KND) to monitor findings in the implementation of public opinion expression from 25-31 August 2025, law enforcement processes against Delpedro Marhaen and others, and conduct preventive and corrective efforts according to each institution’s mandate and authority and report periodically to the public whilst ensuring detainees are not restricted from accessing the outside world and fulfilment of their rights whilst in detention.
Social media companies, primarily Google, Meta, Twitter/X and TikTok, to protect the privacy and personal data of human rights defenders who are victims of expression criminalisation, by rejecting all forms of requests from state officials or law enforcement to open data of activists on their respective platforms.
Supporting Organisations:
Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI)
Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH Jakarta)
Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW)
Greenpeace Indonesia
Centre for Law and Policy Studies Indonesia (PSHK)
Imparsial
Association of Legal Aid Institutes for Women’s Justice (LBH APIK)
Press Legal Aid Institute (LBH Pers)
Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI)
Transparency International Indonesia (TII)
Trend Asia
Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet)
Local Initiative for OSH Network (LION) Indonesia
Agrarian Reform Consortium (KPA)
Indonesian Workers’ Unity Confederation (KPBI)
National Domestic Workers Advocacy Network (JALA PRT)
Indonesian Workers’ Unity Trade Union Federation (FSBPI)
Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (ICJR)
Amnesty International Indonesia (AII)
LPKSM Yasa Nata Budi
Feminist Study Circle (LSF)
Jakarta-Banten Political Committee
Indonesia Cemas
Anti-Sexual Violence Civil Society Coalition (KOMPAKS)
Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM)
Bareng Warga
Social Justice Indonesia (SJI)
Perempuan Mahardhika [13]
Perempuan Mahardhika Jakarta
Young Movement Against Criminalisation
Women’s Solidarity
Indonesian Green Party
Public Virtue Research Institute
Salam 4 Jari [14]
Dialokota
IM57+ Institute
The Institute for Ecosoc Rights
Suara Ibu Indonesia (SII)
Indonesian Women’s Storytelling Community
Indonesian Women’s Empowerment Foundation (Pribudaya)
Why Should We Care (Kenapa Harus Peduli)
Extinction Rebellion Indonesia
Community Legal Aid Institute (LBHM)
Indonesian GUSDURian Network [15]
Indonesian Consumer Foundation (YLKI)
IKABH – LBH IKADIN
Women Guard Indonesia (PJI)
Artsforwomen Indonesia / Peace Women Across the Globe network
Indonesia for Humanity (IKa)
Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WALHI-FoE Indonesia)
Sajogyo Institute
Institute for Islamic and Social Studies
Fahmina Islamic Studies Institute (ISIF) Cirebon
Foundation for Strengthening Participation
IKOHI
Indonesian Community Initiative and Partnership Foundation (YAPPIKA)
Yogyakarta Thursday Action (Aksi Kamisan Yogyakarta) [16]
Social Movement Institute (SMI)
Political Committee
Feminist Event
Indonesian Srikandi Foundation (YSS)
Indonesian Center for Environmental Law (ICEL)
Jakarta Cross-Feminist Association
The Aceh Institute
North Sulawesi Sanubari
Migrant CARE
Social Research Center (SOREC) UGM [17]
Indonesian Anti-Corruption Women
Forum of Service Providers for Women Victims of Violence
KontraS Papua [18]
Women and Life Resources Group (KPS2K) East Java
Gresik Regency Women’s School
Lumajang Regency Women’s School
Progresip.id, working class media
Publish What You Pay (PWYP) Indonesia
Women’s KAPAL Institute
Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)
Transnational Palm Oil Labour Solidarity (TPOLS)
Indonesian Women’s Coalition
The Coalition against Transnational and Organised Crime (CATOC)
Sociology Department FISIP Unsoed [19]
Teacher Light Foundation (YCG)
LPSDM (Partner Resource Development Institute)
Kawula17
Sawit Watch [20]
Centre for Political Studies University of Indonesia (Puskapol UI)
Anti-Discrimination Islamic Network (JIAD) East Java
Transformation for Indonesian Justice (TuK INDONESIA)
Kitsch TV
Indonesian Generation Dreams Foundation
Veritas Law
Indonesian HuMa Association
FAMM Indonesia
Indonesian Young Greens
Committee for the Protection of Journalists and Freedom of Expression (KPJKB) Makassar
Pinggir.id
YAPESDI
WeSpeakUp.org
Cangkang Queer
West Java Indonesian Legal Aid Association (PBHI JABAR)
People’s Heritage Foundation (PUSAKA)
Kaoem Telapak Association
Cakra Wikara Indonesia
Community Data Power
Tifa Foundation
Southeast Sulawesi Joint Network (jbn sultra)
Indonesia Climate Justice Literacy (ICJL)
Alternative Indonesia PAR
Rural Technology Development Institute (LPTP)
Peace Leader Indonesia
Amartya Knowledge House
Marsinah.ID [21]
Pamflet Generation Association
Our Shared Home Indonesia Foundation (Rumah KitaB)
Institute of International Studies (IIS UGM)
Nusantara Indigenous Youth Front (BPAN)
PRAKARSA Association
Taman 65 Community [22]
Institute for Human Resource Studies and Development (Lakpesdam) PBNU [23]
Samsara Association
Save All Women and Girls
Combine Resource Institution
Sebaya Berdaya
Noisy Mothers (Ibu Berisik)
Climate Rangers Jogja
Supporting Individuals: >250 signatures at 17 September 2025, 19.30 Jakarta time
Translated for ESSF by Wendy Lim
Footnotes
[1]
Lokataru Foundation is a human rights organisation based in Jakarta that focuses on civil liberties, legal aid, and democratic advocacy in Indonesia
[2]
Padjajaran University (Universitas Padjadjaran) is a major public university in Bandung, West Java, Indonesia
[3]
Indonesia held presidential and legislative elections in February 2024, with Prabowo Subianto winning the presidency
[4]
Metro Jaya Police is the Jakarta metropolitan area police force, responsible for security in Indonesia’s capital region
[5]
Gejayan Memanggil refers to a student movement that began in Yogyakarta in 2019, named after Gejayan street where protests were held
[6]
Riau is a province on Sumatra island in central Indonesia
[7]
Kediri is a city in East Java province
[8]
This regulation allows police to conduct restorative justice procedures with limited oversight
[9]
Indonesia has served multiple terms on the UN Human Rights Council, most recently 2020-2022
[10]
This law guarantees citizens’ rights to peaceful assembly and expression
[11]
Joint Fact-Finding Teams are independent investigative bodies commonly established in Indonesia to investigate human rights violations or controversial incidents
[12]
The ITE Law contains vague provisions that are frequently used to prosecute online expression
[13]
Perempuan Mahardhika (Independent Women) is an Indonesian feminist organisation advocating for women’s liberation from violence, discrimination and poverty
[14]
A reference to the four-finger salute used by pro-democracy protesters, originally from Egypt’s Arab Spring
[15]
Named after Gus Dur (Abdurrahman Wahid), Indonesia’s fourth president known for his pluralist and democratic values
[16]
Thursday Actions are weekly silent protests held across Indonesia to demand justice for human rights violations
[17]
UGM refers to Gadjah Mada University, one of Indonesia’s most prestigious universities
[18]
KontraS Papua is the Papuan branch of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence, focusing on human rights in Indonesia’s easternmost provinces
[19]
FISIP refers to Faculty of Social and Political Sciences; Unsoed is Jenderal Soedirman University
[20]
Sawit Watch is an Indonesian NGO monitoring the environmental and social impacts of palm oil plantations
[21]
Named after Marsinah, a female labour activist murdered in 1993, whose case became a symbol of workers’ rights in Indonesia
[22]
Taman 65 refers to communities advocating for reconciliation regarding the 1965 mass killings in Indonesia
[23]
PBNU is Nahdlatul Ulama, Indonesia’s largest Islamic organisation